Contexts for Epenthesis in Harmonic Serialism


Harmonic Serialism (HS) (Prince and Smolensky, 1993/2004; McCarthy, 2000, 2008a,b) employs the constraint interaction mechanism of Parallel Optimality Theory (POT) (Prince and Smolensky, 1993/2004), but uses a restricted GEN in which only one operation may apply at a time. Because HS is more complex than either POT or serial rule-based frameworks (e.g. SPE), it should only be taken seriously as a phonological model if it produces a better match with typological data than either of these. This paper argues that it does. Specifically, while both parallel OT and rule-based frameworks produce as possible phonologies unattested systems in which segmental epenthesis resolves metrical markedness, HS rules out these systems while still producing attested epenthesis.


Paper in Harmonic Grammar and Harmonic Serialism, a volume edited by John McCarthy and Joe Pater (2016)
Handout from the 19th Manchester Phonology Meeting (May, 2011)

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